History of taxation in Canada

Taxes are mandatory payments by individuals and corporations to government. They are levied to finance government services, redistribute income, and influence the behavior of consumers and investors. The Constitution Act, 1867 gave Parliament unlimited taxing powers and restricted those of the provinces to mainly direct taxation (taxes on income and property, rather than on activities such as trade). Personal income tax and corporate taxes were introduced in 1917 to help finance the First World War. The Canadian tax structure changed profoundly during the Second World War. By 1946, direct taxes accounted for more than 56 per cent of federal revenue. The federal government introduced a series of tax reforms between 1987 and 1991; this included the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax (GST). In 2009, the federal, provincial and municipal governments collected $585.8 billion in total tax revenues.

Taxing Powers

The first recorded tax in Canada appears to date back to 1650. An export tax of 50 per cent on all beaver pelts, and 10 per cent on moose hides, was levied on the residents of New France.

Today, of the various methods available for financing government activities, only taxation payments are mandatory. Taxes are imposed on individuals, business firms and property. They are used to finance public services or enable governments to redistribute resources. Taxation allows governments to increase expenditures without causing price inflation, because private spending is reduced by an equivalent amount.

The Constitution Act, 1867 gave Parliament unlimited taxing powers. It also restricted those of the provinces to mainly direct taxation (taxes on income and property, rather than on activities such as trade). The federal government was responsible for national defence and economic development; the provinces for educationhealthsocial welfare and local matters which then involved only modest expenditures. (See Distribution of Powers.) The provinces needed access to direct taxation mainly to enable their municipalities to levy property taxes.

Early 20th Century

For more than 50 years after Confederationcustoms and excise duties provided the bulk of federal revenues; by 1913, they provided more than 90 per cent of the total. In 1917, however, to help finance the First World WarParliament introduced personal income tax and corporate taxes. In 1920, a manufacturers’ sales tax and other sales taxes were also introduced.

Provincial revenue at this time came primarily from licences and permits; as well as the sales of commodities and services. In addition, the provinces received substantial federal subsidies. (See also Transfer Payments.) They hesitated to impose direct taxes; but by the late 1800s, they were taxing business profits and successions. Taxes on real and personal property were the bulwark of local government finance. By 1930, total municipal revenues surpassed those of the federal government.

The Great Depression bankrupted some municipalities and severely damaged provincial credit. Customs and excise duties declined by 65 per cent from 1929 to 1934. Parliament resorted more to personal and corporate taxation; it also raised sales taxes dramatically. Before the Depression was over, all provinces were taxing corporate income. All but two provinces levied personal income taxes, and two had retail sales taxes.

Second World War

The Canadian tax structure changed profoundly during the Second World War. To distribute the enormous financial burden of the war equitably, to raise funds efficiently and to minimize the impact of inflation, the major tax sources were gathered under a central fiscal authority. In 1941, the provinces agreed to surrender the personal and corporate income tax fields to the federal government for the duration of the war and for one year after. In exchange, they received fixed annual payments. (See Transfer Payments.) In 1941, the federal government introduced succession duties (on the transfer of assets after death). An excess profits tax was imposed. Other federal taxes increased drastically.

By 1946, direct taxes accounted for more than 56 per cent of federal revenue. The provinces received grants, and the yields from gasoline and sales taxes increased substantially. The financial position of the municipalities improved with higher property tax yields. In 1947, contrary to the 1942 plan, federal control was extended to include succession duties as well. However, Ontario and Quebec opted out; they chose to operate their own corporate income tax procedures. There was public pressure for federal action in many areas. The White Paper on Employment and Income advocated federal responsibility for these areas.

As a result, direct taxes became a permanent feature of federal finance. But the provinces also have a constitutional right to these taxes. There is a growing demand for services under provincial jurisdiction; such as healtheducation and social welfare. The difficulties of reconciling the legitimate claims of both levels of government for income taxation powers have since dominated many federal-provincial negotiations.

Late 20th Century

From 1947 to 1962, the provinces, with mounting reluctance, accepted federal grants as a substitute for levying their own direct taxes. In 1962, however, Ottawa reduced its own personal and corporate income tax rates to make tax room available to the provinces. Because taxpayers would pay the same total amount, provincial tax rates would not be risky politically. Further federal concessions between 1962 and 1977 raised the provincial share of income tax revenues significantly.

Provincial income tax calculations were traditionally integrated into federal tax returns. All provinces except Quebec used the federal definition of taxable income. (Quebec has operated its own income tax since 1954.) Provincial tax rates, which now differ considerably among the provinces, were simply applied to basic federal tax. In recent years, that trend has been weakening. For example, in Ontario, personal income tax payable is now calculated separately from federal income tax payable.

Principles of Taxation

Fairness

The criteria by which a tax system is judged include equity; efficiency; economic growth; stabilization; and ease of administration and compliance. According to one view, taxes, to be fair, should be paid in accordance with the benefits received. But the difficulty of assigning the benefits of certain government expenditures — such as defence — restricts the application of this principle. Provincial gasoline taxes are one instance of the benefit principle, with fuel taxes providing revenue for roads and highways.

According to another view, individuals should be taxed based on their ability to pay (typically indicated by income). The personal income tax is in part a reflection of this principle. Horizontal equity (individuals with equal incomes are treated equally) is not easily achieved; this is because income alone is an imperfect measure of an individual’s ability to pay.

Vertical equity (higher incomes are taxed at higher rates than lower incomes — a principle not at odds with horizontal equity) has been opposed by business and those with higher incomes. They claim that progressive tax rates discourage initiative and investment. At the same time, under a progressive tax system, deductions benefit those with high taxable incomes. In recent years, this realization has led governments to convert many deductions to tax credits. However, this significantly complicates the tax preparation process.

Limiting Growth

Taxes can affect the rate of economic growth as well. Income taxes limit capital accumulation. Corporate and capital taxes reduce capital investment. Payroll taxes reduce job creation. Businesses in Canada have strongly opposed the full inclusion of corporate gains as taxable income. As a result, only 50 per cent of capital gains were taxable when the capital gains tax was introduced in 1972. The inclusion rate for capital gains was raised to 75 per cent by 1990. It was cut back to 50 per cent in 2000.

Shifting and Incidence

Taxes levied on some persons but paid ultimately by others are “shifted” forward to consumers wholly or partly by higher prices; or, they are “shifted” backward on workers if wages are lowered to compensate for the tax. Some part of corporate income taxes, federal sales and excise taxes, payroll taxes and local property taxes is shifted. This alters and obscures the final distribution of the tax burden.

Revenue Elasticity

The more elasticity (the percentage change in tax revenue resulting from a change in national income) a tax has, the greater its contribution to economic stabilization policy. Income taxes with fixed monetary exemptions and rate brackets have an automatic stabilization effect. This is because tax collections will grow faster than income in times of economic growth; conversely, they will fall more sharply than income in a recession.

In Canada, the revenue elasticity of personal income tax is weakened by indexing. Since 1974, both personal exemptions and tax brackets have been adjusted according to changes in the Consumer Price Index. But sales taxes have less revenue elasticity because consumption changes less rapidly in response to changes in income, and these taxes are not progressive in relation to consumption. Property tax yields do not grow automatically with rising national income; but they do exhibit some revenue elasticity.

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